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Rich Baldwin
Bloomington High School |
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What is liberalism? Coming of age in the 1980s, I had been led
to believe is was an evil force in American government. A bleeding
heart group of politicians that hoped to save the whales, feed
the poor, clean up the environment and take money away from hard
working Americans to pay for it all. While H.W. Brands may not
completely disagree with this definition, in his work The
Strange Death of American Liberalism he takes a much broader
approach to the term. Brands defines liberalism as, "a prevailing
confidence in the ability of the government preeminently the federal
government to accomplish substantial good on behalf of the American
people." (VIII) He argues this confidence peaks in times
of war, and that the high water mark for American liberalism came
during the coldest years of the Cold War in the late 1940s and
1950s. In this context, Brands asserts that without a war preceding
it, Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal was not as liberal as
historians make it out to be, that by bringing down Richard Nixon,
liberals destroyed the trust that fed there own existence, and
that Ronald Reagan was actually stuck in a liberal dilemma of
demanding the trust of the American people in foreign policy while
dismantling the trust in regards to domestic policy. While extremely
controversial, Brands' thesis is engaging. It makes sense to the
average reader, and is presented efficiently. In 177 pages Brands
is able to trace the argument from the Revolution through the
Clinton administration.
It is this efficiency, however, that may cause more critical readers
to view this as selective history. At times, Brand seems to leave
out, or simply disregard points in history that would not support
his thesis. Following Brands' argument the distaste Americans had
for the reconstruction era combined with the absence of a war should
have created a conservative period of government inactivity from
the 1880s to the turn of the century. Yet, the government was extremely
active in closing the western frontier and settling Americans into
the plains states during this period. Brands also fails to explain
how such a conservative society could emerge from a liberal period
of government activeness in the late 1940s and 1950s. In addition
he overlooks the contributions of grassroots social movements, such
as the civil rights movement, in demanding and creating government
activity, choosing instead to focus on the efforts of presidents
and administrations. The critical historian will notice these gaps
and demand a more thorough explanation.
From the point of view of the average high school history teacher,
however, this work has appealing value. It is efficient, which makes
it usable in the typical survey American history course. It presents
an engaging, easy to follow thesis that is controversial enough
to stimulate plenty of discussion. In addition, it provides a good
lesson in historical writing pitting style versus substance. While
Brands argument could be simply accepted by students, the book also
provides teachers with the opportunity to emphasize the importance
of telling the complete story when writing history.
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